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“Today we once again embrace the ideas of Alberdi. “Of our founding fathers who made us go from being a country of barbarians to being a power in 35 years,” he said. Javier Miley this historic Sunday, in the speech he gave shortly after it became known that he had won the elections and he would be the next president of the Argentines. It is not the first time that he talks about the politician who in the 19th century wrote the foundations of the Constitution. On previous occasions, the current president-elect had said things like: “The way out is freedom, the model of Alberdi” and with Alberdi and a profound reform of the State, in about 35 years Argentina could reach the dynamism of the United States.”
But what does he mean by “the ideas of Alberdi”?
Maybe I was thinking about those phrases that Alberdi he wrote in his book Economic and income system of the Argentine Confederation: “He who does not believe in freedom as a source of wealth, neither deserves to be free, nor knows how to be rich. The Constitution that the Argentine people have given themselves is a breeding ground for gold and silver.”
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Or in which it seems to support the idea of mercy on the Central Bank: “The reform of a state bank is impossible. There is only one way but to reform it: it is delete it”.
Or in what he wrote in Economic and income system of the Argentine Confederation and Argentine integrity under all governmentswhere he questions the taxes confiscatory and calls excessive government spending “embezzlement.”
In the words of Alberdi: “The freedom It is the means, not the end, of the politics of our Constitution. When we say that it has made freedom a means, we mean that it has imposed on the State the obligation not to intervene by Laws or Decrees restricting the exercise of production, since in economics the freedom of the individual and the non-intervention of the stateare two phrases that express the same fact.”
Or maybe mercy I had this idea in mind Alberdi: “Our people do not lack bread, but rather educationWell, here we have mental pauperism. Our Argentine people are dying of hunger for education, of thirst for knowledge, of poverty of practical knowledge in the art of enrichment.”
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Or what he thought about the monetary issue: “As long as the government has the power to make money with simple strips of paper that they do not compromise anything, nor oblige any reimbursement, the omnipotent power will remain unalterable like a rodent worm at the heart of the Argentine Constitution.”
Or what is understood in these five sentences:
1) The omnipotence of the State is the denial of individual freedom.
2) The customs tax is a tax on civilization.
3) Democracy is freedom constituted in government, since true government is neither more nor less than organized freedom.
4) People who expect their happiness at the hands of governments expect something that is contrary to nature.
5) The wealth of nations is the work of nations, not of their governments.
Juan Bautista Alberdirecognized as the intellectual father of Argentine Constitution of 1853faced the dichotomies of his time and promoted a liberalism with an essential focus on the role of the State. The Minister of Education of Tucumán, Juan Pablo Lichtmaier -author of the book Alberdi, the noble equality- maintains the importance of reviving and applying the ideas of Alberdi in the current context, recognizing its approach to equity and its federalist vision as fundamental for a more just and truly federal Argentina.
“It is no coincidence that Juan Bautista Alberdi does not occupy the place it deserves, because its thinking calls into question many of the dichotomies on which Argentina was built, starting with civilization and barbarism”, dice Lichtmajer.
As a liberal, Alberdi proposed a vision of the State that, far from minimizing its role, sought to strengthen it to guarantee an equitable distribution of wealth and break with the power monopoly centralized in Buenos Aires.
The minister points out that the country that Alberdi thought of is “that of the Constitution of ’53. A Constitution that was rejected by the Freedom Party of Miter specifically for the clause of distribution of the wealth generated by Customs. Buenos Aires separates from Argentina and, when the national union occurs again, that article is no longer there. The country was never able to balance”.
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“The Argentine Republic, a simple tacit and implicit association for today, has to begin by creating a national government and a general constitution that serves as its rule.“, he said in one of the most fundamental books of his work, Bases and starting points for the political organization of the Argentine Republic.
“Its influence on the construction of the national State is gigantic,” says the writer and history professor. Eduardo Sacheri –author of the historical essay The days of the revolution- to Infobae Let’s read.
San Miguel de Tucumán was born – where this Sunday mercy won by more than ten points- Alberdi He was one of the country’s greatest intellectuals of the 19th century. In fact, the Constitution Argentinadictated in 1853, is the second oldest in America and the fifth in the world.
Lichtmajer emphasizes that Alberdi was a liberal “whose main political struggle was against the Buenos Aires liberalism”. And he adds that “he recognizes the irreplaceable place of the State to balance asymmetries and correct inequalities, those linked to the distribution of wealth and that endorses the causes of the interior, of deep Argentina.”
Meanwhile, the historian Felipe Pigna points out that “Alberdi proposed a country model of Internal market, based on the experience of the United States.” He showed his adherence to the liberal theories of Adam Smith y David Ricardo and his vision against monopoly in two of his essays: Economic and income system of the Argentine Confederation y Of Argentine integrity under all governments.
Lichtmajer explains that Alberdi “He wields a liberalism that, combined with political romanticism and federalism. It’s at the same time national and popular in the strict sense.” But what does it mean? “Alberdi It is national and popular for its federal perspective, from which it proposes a constitutional organization that guarantees the interior rights and break the mold of the commercial, economic, political and cultural monopoly of Buenos Aires,” the minister clarifies.
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The work Bases and starting points for the political organization of the Argentine Republic by Juan Bautista Alberdi, exiled in Paris, emerges as a crucial text for understanding the Argentine political design porosista. In an extension of almost 200 pages, Alberdiconsidered a key actor in the formation of the National Constitution Argentina, articulates the essential principles for a new political direction after the fall of Juan Manuel de Rosas in the Battle of Caseros. Defined by himself Alberdi As an “action” book, this publication marked the beginning of a historical chapter after the sanction of the Magna Carta.
The work outlines the key issues that Alberdi identify to ensure an effective, fair and democratic government. The historian Felipe Pigna highlights: “Alberdi “He was a fundamental thinker.”
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For the Minister of Education of Tucumán Bases and points has “an absolute validity” because he considers it an invitation to return to certain axes of Alberdian thought and put them into practice. Which is it? Lichtmajer points out that we must address the outstanding debts with the country model imagined by the Tucuman hero that resonates today: a truly federal Argentina, with an equitable distribution of wealth, that breaks the mold of Buenos Aires supremacy.
“In his draft Constitution,” he says Lichtmajer“the historical demands of ‘the people’, that is, of the inside the country”. Sacheri continues on this point and says that “it provides a balance between the autonomous tendencies of the provinces and the need to build a strong state and the consecration of the rights of article 14, the liberal ones, those of bourgeois society after the French Revolution.” And he adds that “when they think about a Constitution they are very interested in limiting the power of the Executive and that the division of powers be concrete, serious, real, that no one can establish a despotism over the citizens.”
Sacheri dreams of reviewing the Constitution and how it was done because “in a society where there are such strong tendencies to exercise and defend personalistic powers above the rules, in a country with such strong tendencies towards that type of leadership, thinking of it as a regulation that limits power “It would be a beautiful debate that is not going to happen.”
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